Thursday, February 25, 2016

More Bookworming: the social city subject



Some books stay relevant even for those of us who are grappling spatial and social problems in the current urban environment. Some of the books in my bookcases I've had since my student days, others I have come across and read more recently.



"The Death and Life of Great American Cities" (1961 - Jane Jacobs) with "The Image of the City" (1959 - Kevin Lynch) peeking from behind on the left."Cities and People" (1985 - Mark Girouard) in the middle and "Cities for people" (2010 - Jan Gehl) on the right.

The seminal book by Jane Jacobs has received praise, but has also been much maligned. The book is more a polemic than a textbook and uses many literary devices to get the point across. As the book is exclusively focussed on the American Grid Cities, its story can't be simply transplanted onto European cities. Jane Jacobs writes passionately about the high density urban environment that -in her opinion best caters for urban living- as opposed to the then current planning practice advocated by architects, which she amalgamates under the term Radiant Garden City Beautiful. She basically advocates the slow-paced city with people walking. Her city comprised of mixed-use blocks between streets with buildings some 4 to 6 storeys high (so by no means a very high density urban environment). She rejects both high-rise living (based on the New York Social Housing Projects), low-density suburban living (based on American urban sprawl) and formal assemblage of special functions (which she equates to City Beautiful). She is especially dismissive of modernist architecture. When she speaks of modernism she means the post 1945 CIAM International Style and not early 20th-century European modernism, however. This is something one always has to keep in the back of ones mind when reading Anglo-Saxon books on the subject!

The subtitle of "Cities and People" "a social & architectural history" makes quite clear what the subject matter of this book is. With a broad overview and laced with anecdotes Girouard takes the reader on a journey through the ages to show how social, political and economic conditions shape the urban environment. His book focuses mainly on Europe with some excursions into the USA thus blatantly disregarding any non-English colony in other parts of the world. The book is a good start to get some inkling on the way politics and economy are interwoven and often impact on the way people are able to make decisions on their lives and the projects undertaken by city administrators. The book is, however, to Anglo-Saxon in approach to clarify the differences between the self-governing trade cities of the Low Countries and the independent cities of the Hanseatic League, not to mention residential cities within the Holy Roman Empire or Mediterranean trade cities and city states. As an introduction into urban sociology from a historic perspective the book is still quite useful.

The idea(l) of a social city that is laid out to enhance the lives of its inhabitants as advocated by Jacobs has remained a strong force in thinking about the urban environment in the Post-Modern Era and after. (Personally I see post-modernism as an eclectic vein of modernism still mostly occupied with function, form and planning for an expected future and not so much an opposite of modernism per-se.) Jane Jacobs remains as the inspiring force behind many urban renewal attempts, social engineering by supplying grants to resident for home improvement and architectural experiments on a so-called human scale. As a result of these ideas on a social city on a human scale, many experiments were made to pedestrianise parts of city centres, especially in Europe. Her ideas form the foundations of Jan Gehl's approach for a slow-paced city where walking and cycling have primacy. His 2010 book is much less a pamphlet but -as could be expected from an architect- a vehicle for showing his project portfolio. Both books owe much to the book by Kevin Lynch on how people view the city and how they get about using functional and visual cues from their urban environment. The principles he describes also apply to Unwinesque urban design as advocated by Garden City adepts and favour no scale or style of architecture in particular. It is certainly clear on the other hand that Corbusier-inspired architecture makes it difficult for people to create a mental image of their surroundings. Several writers and designers have used Lynch's findings and appropriated them to fit with their own ideas.

In contrast to the American writers where the modes of transport for the social city of human scale are confined to walking and the bus, Gehl shows himself thoroughly European by insisting on walking and cycling. To satisfy decision makers he includes statistics and charts showing the effects of pedestrianisation, changing shop fronts and street facades on the ground floors, laying out new squares and public gardens and creating safe bicycle lanes. He mainly focuses on his own projects thus excluding many interesting examples from The Netherlands and Germany. The core of his -valid- argument is that the human dimension has been neglected over the past decades; something he blames on modernism (he again means post 1945 International Style after CIAM principles). In his book he often mentions the "human landscape" a weird term in English that stems from a literal translation from Danish and should be read as the human dimension. Similarly when he speaks of the "city landscape" he means the appearance of streets: the city at eye level.

The proposals for a slow-paced urban environment are often simplified to mean a bicycle-friendly city. Jan Gehl has been much maligned -especially in Anglo-Saxon countries- for his proposals to convert space dedicated to car traffic to space for walking and cycling. The protests in London Boroughs against the cycle super highways are a case in point. To counterbalance the argument that these bicycle-friendly cities are only suitable to continental Europe he includes examples from the USA, Brazil, Australia, New Zealand and Europe (mainly from his home town of Copenhagen).

As I myself cycle most short distances, I can only concur with his emphases on promoting slow moving traffic to improve the urban living environment and improve the quality of life. Also, one views the urban environment completely different whilst walking or cycling as opposed to driving a car or being on a bus or train (trams are somewhat in between). A city with a high number of pedestrian and cycle traffic is a liveable city!

Monday, February 22, 2016

Mining colonies in South Limburg: social housing



In 1911 the priest-politician Dr H. Poels founded the Vereniging Ons Limburg (Society Our Limburg) that was intended as a service organisation for promoting community development in the mining region of South-Limburg. The most important role his society played was to serve as an umbrella organisation for the various small social housing societies and social welfare organisations that has sprung up in Limburg after the Social Housing Bill (Woningwet) of 1901 was implemented.

The Society Our Limburg assisted both organisations on religious principles (read: catholic) as well as organisations founded by unions, corporations and local government. The emphasis was always on the improvement of living conditions and the betterment of the lower classes and housing therefore was a priority, together with clean water and community health care provision (i.e. The Green Cross and the White-Yellow Cross).

The first housing completed under the auspices of Our Limburg was De Eerste Stap (literally: The First Step) in Hoensbroek -now a borough of Heerlen- in 1913. The organisation also coordinated the completion of the Eikenderveld Estate in Heerlen built between 1911-12 for railway workers. An important break from the factory housing provided by the mining companies was that these housing estates were inspired by Garden City Movement ideals on social housing for the working classes. Most housing provided was segregated with streets devoted to certain income classes as advocated by the catholic clergy. The erection of schools and a chapel or church was always part of the intensions, although in some cases these would not be built at all or much later.

Other housing estates built under auspices of Our Limburg aimed at housing miners are: 't Eikske (1913, Orange-Nassau II), Colony Schaesberg (1913-18, Orange-Nassau Mine II), Tuindorp Treebeek (1913-18, State Mine Emma), Tempsplein (1913, Orange-Nassau Mine I), Ganzeweide* (1914-20, Orange-Nassau Mine IV), In den Bodem (1915-23, State Mine Hendrik), Schuttersveld (1918-21, State Mine Hendrik), Kloosterkolonie (1915, State Mine Emma), Colony Rozegaard* (1915-19, State Mine Hendrik), Heilust* (1915-20, Willem-Sofia), Kolonie Nieuw Einde* (1917-25, Carisborg Lignite Mine), De Passart (1918, State Mine Emma), Terwinselen-Dorp (1918-1930, State Mine Wilhelmina), Versiliënbosch (1920, Orange-Nassau Mine IV),  Molenberg (1919-27, Orange-Nassau Mine I), Meezenbroek (1920-25, Orange-Nassau Mine II) De Egge (1920, State Mine Hendrik), De Wingerd (1925, State Mine Emma), Langeberg (1929-30, State Mine Hendrik),  Lauradorp (1929-31, Mining Corporation Laura and Julia), Maria-Christinawijk (1942-47, Orange-Nassau Mine IV), Gracht (1915-35 and 1955, Willem-Sofia) and Mariarade (1945-49, State Mine Emma).

The Colony Musschemig erected as company housing between 1904-06 for Orange-Nassau Mine I should be seen as a precursor to social housing along Garden City Ideals. This colony of semidetached, single-storey white cottages makes an effort to create a semi-rural living environment to accommodate new migrant workers (assumed to be of a rural background). In contrast another example of company housing Kolonie De Hopel (1906-10, extended 1930) was built inspired by Garden City Ideals, but functioned as a mining colony controlled by the mining company Laura & Julia. Although very beautiful, and recently restored, De Hopel lacks any of the spatial characteristics of Unwinesque garden city design. As such it is a colony with housing in a vernacular style. Something similar can be said of colonies 't Eikske and Gracht.

After 1900 the spoil heaps take off and grow steadily into artificial hills that dominate the hilly landscape. Most mines had a spoil heap on or near the colliery site. Examples are: Steenstort Laura (Ss), Steenhoop Julia (Sh), Steenberg Terwinselen (St) of State Mine Wilhelmina, MIjnsteenberg Willem-Sofia (Ms) and the Heksenberg (Hb) of Orange-Nassau Mine IV. Other mines had spoil heaps at some distance at the end of a railway or transport line: spoil heap Berenbos (Bb) of the Domanial Mines, the enormous Koumerberg (Kb) for the Orange-Nassau Mines I, II and III. Of these spoil heaps only the one in Terwinselen survives (as a skiing slope). The Heksenberg will be removed to extract the silicate sands beneath. All other spoil heaps were dismantled after the closure of the mines. The material was used to fill in former lignite surface mines or as the base material for the concrete and asphalt industries. A small part of the Koumerberg survives as a park. The spoil heap at Berenbos was capped to fill in the adjacent lignite quarry Anna and the remaining low hill was planted as a park.



The social housing for miners aggregates around the collieries and lignite quarries. These surface mines were abandoned after the 1960s and in part replaced by sand quarries. The lignite mines were: Brunahilde (BH), Kleiberg or Brunahilde II (K), Energy (E),Carisborg (C),Vrieheide or Carisborg II (V), Herman (H) and Anna (A).The social housing extends throughout the mining region: Musschemig (1), Eikenderveld (2), Tempsplein (3), Meezenbroek (4), Molenberg (5), Schaesberg (6), 't Eikske (7), Terwinselen-Dorp (8), Heilust (9), Gracht (10), De Hopel (11), Lauradorp (12), Heksenberg (13), Maria-Christinawijk (14), Ganzeweide (15), Versiliënbosch (16), Nieuw Einde (17), Langeberg (18), Schuttersveld (19), De Egge (20), Roozegaard (21), In den Bodem (22), Treebeek (23), Kloosterrade-Mariarade (24), De Passart (25), De Eerste Stap (26), De Wingerd (27) and Stationskolonie (28). There is a clear lack of social housing by Ons Limburg in Kerkrade.
These mining colonies of social housing would strongly direct the urban development of Brunssum, Hoensbroek, Heerlerheide, Heerlen, Schaesberg, Nieuwenhagen, Waubach, Ubach over Worms, Eygelshoven, Blijerheide, Chevremont, Spekholzerheide and Kerkrade into the current conurbation stat was renamed Parkstad (City of Parks) after the mines closed. Before then it was known as the Oostelijke Mijnstreek (Mining Region East). The area around State Mine Maurits in Geleen and Beek was analogously called Westelijke Mijnstreek (Mining Region West).

All colonies no longer in existence have been indicated by *.

Thursday, February 18, 2016

Mining colonies in South Limburg: company housing



Some twenty-five years after the closure of the last mine in South-Limburg several former mining colonies were restored and listed with monumental status. The Dutch State Service for Archaeology, Cultural Landscapes and Monuments (Rijksdienst voor Archeologie, Cultuurlandschap en Monumenten or RACM) has listed almost all of the former mining colonies still in existence. In some cases the buildings and all the related structures, including for instance sheds, hedges and garden gates are listed and thus protected. In other cases a conservation area has been outlined with the cityscape protected from changes in character.

As industrialisation in South-Limburg was late to take off compared to neighbouring Belgium and Germany, the first phase of rampant piecemeal urbanisation was bypassed. The growth in employment in the local industrial sector (mainly mining) grew rapidly from 1.149 employees in 1900 via 37.645 employees in 1930 to 47.554 employees in 1950. Mining companies were more or less forced to provide housing to attract enough workers. This however didn't mean that supply kept up with demand, so there was a lot of overcrowding and many people converted shed and rooms into "housing". The hilly landscape with little more than dirt roads for communications meant that miners had to be housed near their work place. So with every new pit a new provision for more housing had to be made.  

The first mines were exploited by Germans from neighbouring Aix-la-Chapelle or Belgians from nearby Wallonia; so these first mining colonies have a distinct foreign flavour, much like Le Projet de Place Dor in Budel. There is a clear difference in approach between the early colonies built between 1900 and 1913 and the second wave built between 1913 and 1950. After WW2 no new colonies were developed, except for the completion of older estates, instead the empty spaces within the urbanised landscape were diligently filled in with planned housing estates, either in a traditionalist idiom or in a modern CIAM-inspired manner.

The first wave of mining colonies were mathematical setups dominated by Mulhouse  Quadrangles inserted in the pre-existing spatial pattern. In South-Limburg these Mulhouse Quadrangles are also known as Lorraine Blocks (Lotharingse Blokken) after the Belgian origins of the owner of the private Orange-Nassau Mines (Oranje-Nassau Mijnen) Henri Sarolea. The Colony Beersdal (1912) for the mine Orange-Nassau I (ON1) is the largest example; others include: Colony Grasbroek (1899-1904 for ON1) and the Colonies Leenhof I, II, III and IV (built between 1906 and 1913 for ON2). The Colony Vrank* (1900 - ON1) consisted of long rows of low houses along parallel streets. The Colony Rennemig (1914 - ON3) consists of 3 short streets with large semidetached houses on the side of a small river valley.  The first miners colony built by the private mining companies was the Kolonie Morgenster* (=Colony Morning Star) of 1899 built for Orange-Nassau I.

Housing provisions by the oldest mine, the Domanial Mine, can't be traced back. It seems to have been rather unplanned in and around pre-existing settlements. Small-scale planned housing is provided by the company when other mining concessions are incorporated. Not far from the Zeche Bärenbusch a row of mining cottages were built at the Colony Vink*. At some distance south of the main colliery of the Domanial Mines another housing group Colony Kokele* was built along two parallel streets. These weren't Mulhouse Quadrangles however. Further north, along the edge of the colliery site some houses for overseers and engineers with a large hostel for single miners were built along the Laurastraat in 1901 by Laura & Vereeniging (the Laura & Associates Mining Company).

Housing was also provided for the State Mines. The earliest examples can be found in Hoensbroek with the Woongroep Butting (1909) and Woongroep Kasteel (1911) for the State Mine Emma and in Kerkrade Kolonie Terwinselen I (1903) and II (1905-6) for State Mine Wilhelmina. Of these the Woongroep Butting and Terwinselen I* comprises of Mulhouse Quadragles. Butting also has a large Hostel. The other colonies consist of large semidetached family houses with rooms for lodgers (Terwinselen II) or small terraced housing (Kasteel).



The private mines of South Limburg are located in Kerkrade (Domanial Mine - D, Nulland Colliery - N, Beerenbosch Colliery - B, Laura & Vereeniging - LV, Julia - J and Willem-Sofia - WS), in Heerlen including Heerlerheide (Orange-Nassau I - ON1, Orange-Nassau III - ON3 and Orange-Nassau VI - ON4) and in Landgraaf (Orange-Nassau II - ON2). The State Mines are located on the border between Landgraaf and Kerkrade (State Mine Wilhelmina - S-W), in Hoensbroek (State Mine Emma - S-E) and in Brunssum (State Mine Hendrik - S-H).The mines comprised of several pits and were linked by railways (in green).The purpose-built mining colonies are mostly located around the ON1 Mine: Morgenster (1), Grasbroek (2), Vrank (3), Beersdal (4) and Rennemig (5). Butting (6) is located near State Mine Emma. Leenhof I and II (7), Leenhof III (8) and Leenhof IV (9) are built in succession at some distance of Orange-Nassau II. Terwinselen I and II (10), Laurastraat (11) and Vink (12) are all comparable to examples from Essen and consist of housing in a strip. Colony Kokele (13) was similar but extends between two parallel streets connected with a side street.  

The architecture of these early mining colonies is clearly based on German examples, mainly from Essen. This is logical al the action directors of this mining company were two German brothers named Carl and Friedrich Honigmann. They also had the single-storey white houses of the Colony Musschemig (1904-06, indicated by m on the map) erected. These pre-empt later developments along the lines of Garden City Movement ideals. The mining colony directly adjacent to Leenhof IV show the housing typical of this second type. This Colony Schaesberg takes inspiration from garden city examples as a way to house workers in socially rented housing.

 All colonies no longer in existence have been indicated by *.

Monday, February 15, 2016

Subtle Spring: First Flush



The mild winter has meant that some plants are showing blooms some weeks early this year...



Botanical Crocus blooms earlier than the Dutch Crocus or the Woodland Crocus. On the left Crocus chrysanthus 'Ard Schenk' named after the famous Dutch ice-skater. Snowdrops show their drooping flowers even when there has been no snow. Cyclamen coum f. pallidum 'Album' have the distinct purple spots at the base of the back-folded petals of this lovely woodland plant.